Assorted Pictures of a Great Diplomat
A Pictorial Tribute to Ambassador Mallas Michael Andom
Background and Introduction
In the early 1990s, I was given a box by my late mother, Mrs. Takouhy Mallas Andom (maiden name Basmadjian). Inside was a collection of black-and-white photographs documenting the diplomatic career of my father, His Excellency Ambassador Mallas Michael Andom. The photographs I received document pivotal moments during his tenure, representing the Imperial Ethiopian Government under Emperor Haile Selassie. Spanning nearly three consecutive decades—from the latter half of the 1940s through the mid-1970s, these photographs capture a period of profound geopolitical transformation and evolving international dynamics. Movements such as the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and Pan-African diplomacy, championed by the Organization of African Unity (later renamed the African Union), illustrate this shift. I often remind myself that many of these images are between seventy and seventy-eight years old; they deserve to be regarded with the utmost reverence. Each decade reflects distinct shifts in priorities and strategies—from post–World War II reconstruction and institution building, to modernization, cultural diplomacy, and, ultimately, the domestic and regional challenges that marked the twilight of the imperial era.
The photographs vividly document how Emperor Haile Selassie meticulously shaped Ethiopia’s diplomatic presence on the global stage. Most of the images I inherited from my mother were taken in India, Sudan, Egypt, Lebanon, at the headquarters of the Organization of African Unity, and in several other countries where Ambassador Mallas primarily served as Ethiopia’s representative. His diplomatic career began in the late 1940s and early 1950s—first as Chargé d’Affaires in India (1947), and later, in 1952, as Ambassador. Following his tenure in India, Mallas returned to Africa, and in 1956 he was appointed Ethiopia’s first ambassador to Sudan, immediately after Sudan’s independence.
For each black-and-white photograph, I have written detailed captions and contextual descriptions. Several of the photos bear handwritten or printed notes on the back, which have greatly assisted me in reconstructing their historical context. In addition, I have consulted a substantial body of scholarship on Eritrea—particularly its modern history over the past century, beginning with Italian colonization in the 1890s and extending through World War II, a span of roughly fifty years. Following Italy’s defeat, Eritrea came under British Military Administration from 1941 to 1952. In 1952, under United Nations Resolution 390A(V), Eritrea was federated with Ethiopia, granting it internal autonomy with its own constitution, flag, and elected government. This arrangement lasted until 1962, when Emperor Haile Selassie dissolved the Eritrean parliament, annulled its constitution, and formally annexed it as a province of Ethiopia. What followed was a thirty-year armed struggle for independence, culminating in Eritrea’s liberation in 1991.
In the 1960s, my father was appointed ambassador to Egypt. He also served as Ethiopia’s ambassador to Lebanon and briefly in Tunis, as well as in roles connected with the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The first-ever summit of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was held in Addis Ababa, officially designating Ethiopia’s capital as the organization’s headquarters—a decision founded on mutual respect and consensus among member states. This historic meeting took place from May 22 to 25, 1963. My father, Ambassador Mallas, represented Ethiopia at the second OAU Summit, which was held in Cairo, Egypt, from July 17 to 21, 1964. He also attended the fifth OAU Summit, which took place from September 11 to 14, 1967, in Kinshasa, in what is now the Democratic Republic of the Congo (then known as Léopoldville).
Over time, the OAU evolved, eventually rebranding itself as the African Union (AU), reflecting its aspiration to mirror aspects of the European Union’s structure and integration model.
In 2025, I have developed a profound appreciation for the importance of preserving and sharing this authentic historical legacy. The photographs convey the true stories of who, what, when, and how. Thanks to the handwritten notes on the backs of many images—detailing dates, occasions, and the identities of those pictured—this legacy is richly preserved. I decided to create this website, andom.se, as a visual archive that offers a unique glimpse into the life of a true Eritrean diplomat—born in Sudan, yet representing Ethiopia on the international stage. From personal experience, especially during our many dinners together at the embassy, I know that the Ambassador did not always share the Emperor’s ambitions or vision for Eritrea. He was fully aware of Emperor Haile Selassie’s harmful and calculated plans—such as the dissolution of the Eritrean federation in 1962, when the Emperor formally annexed Eritrea and reduced it to a province of Ethiopia. That decision marked the beginning of the Eritrean War of Independence. Ambassador Mallas loved Eritrea deeply and never forgot his heritage. His very first professional assignment had been in Asmara—a place that always held a special place in his heart. He even bought a house in the Frovea area in Asmara, located in Asmara’s city center, which is now old but still stands strong and existing. He lived in that house with his father, Afendi Michael Andom, and his brother, the writer/author Johannes Michael Andom.
I spent my childhood living with my father at the Ethiopian embassies in both Khartoum end of the fifties as a child of some years and then in Cairo during the 1960s and mid-70s. Many of my fondest memories come from that time. I’ve also included some personal reflections and notes to accompany many of the photographs featured on this website.
“However Before proceeding, I have 2 very important messages regarding information available regarding my Father.
I) – My father is, or was, erroneously identified as “Ambassador Mellese,” “Melles,” or “Melese” (with various spellings). This is incorrect. A letter found online, signed by His Excellency my father in 1956 during his first African diplomatic assignment as Ambassador to Khartoum, Sudan, incorrectly uses the aforementioned false spelling of his name. This was an official letter addressed to His Excellency the late President of Egypt, Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser. Therefore, from this point forward, my father will always be referred to exclusively as Ambassador Mallas Michael Andom.
II) – Another important point I wish to emphasize is that, although Ato Mallas was of Eritrean heritage, he—like many other Eritreans (both professionals and academics)—moved and resided in Addis Ababa during that period in search of employment and entrepreneurial opportunities. My father was fortunate to come and serve directly under Emperor Haile Selassie in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. At a relatively young age, he earned the post of charge `de affairs first and later elevated to Ambassador. To avoid misconceptions about His Excellency Mallas Andom, it is crucial to clarify the historical context and mostly the historical pictures extending at a period of almost 30 years in the “sub”-modern history of Eritrea and Ethiopia. After all at that time, Eritrea was either federated with or annexed by Ethiopia. Under a UNsponsored federation established in 1952, BMA British Military administration, let Eritrea to have its own constitution and elected assembly, with the Unionist Party,( there were the addition of 2 more party’s described later. mentioned in the captions of the photos.) backed mostly by highland (largely Christian) Eritreans, winning the largest share of seats. Ato Mallas proudly chose to belong to this party (Unionist Party). Support for union came primarily from those in the highlands, while much of the lowland population—particularly Muslims—favored the independence party or trusteeship (also Muslim league). This federation, however, was short-lived. Regarding the political landscape of the time: elections in Eritrea during the 1950s indeed featured competition between unionists and anti-unionist groups. In the 1952 election, the Unionist Party secured 32 of 68 seats in 1956, the party maintained influence, though opposition candidates also made gains. Over the 1950s, however Ethiopian authorities gradually eroded by force list to say, Eritrean autonomy: introducing/forcing Amharic in place of Tigrinya and Arabic, banning political parties and student organizations, and finally dissolving the federation in 1962, reducing Eritrea to a “province” of Ethiopia?. This, of course, was not viewed by Mallas as a fortunate event in Eritrea’s history. Nonetheless, I have to mention also that the struggle for Eritrean liberation formally commenced in 1962 with the uncoordinated Eritrean Liberation Movement (ELM), first, which later evolved into the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF- the Gabha). However, the contest for Eritrea’s independence truly gained momentum in 1974, following the formal establishment of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), also known as Shabia on August 1, 1973. Mallas Andom’s decision to terminate his, in many ways a great diplomatic engagement occurred during a period of profound political upheaval in Ethiopia. This was also closely followed by, and perhaps overshadowed by, the death of his youngest brother, Lt. General Aman Michael Andom, who had briefly served as the first post-imperial Head of State of Ethiopia from 1974 until his death. His assassination in a shootout at his Addis Ababa residence on 23 November 1974 effectively rendered Ambassador Mallas “unemployed” and abruptly ending his very successful diplomatic services. Due to a government shift (The DERG taking power in Ethiopia and toppling the Imperial government of Haile Selassie I, who also passed away during this period of worrying times in Ethiopian modern history ( on 27 August 1975). Finally, I wish to make it clear that I neither sympathize with nor endorse those who choose to stigmatize others based on the historical photographs you are about to see. These images are part of history—they document what once was. Neither you, nor I, nor anyone, living or deceased, can change what has already occurred. Those who attempt to distort or rewrite history only invite falsehood—or reveal their own ignorance.
(Dr. Amanuel Wade Mallas Andom)
The Ambassador’s Family.
It is important to note that the history of my family mirrors the mid-40s-mid 70s of sub-modern history of Eritrea, beginning in the late nineteenth century (circa 1890s). This narrative spans the era of Italian colonial rule—during which significant infrastructural and administrative changes shaped the colony—in the early to midtwentieth century, followed by British administration and UNmandated federation with Ethiopia. Finally, it extends into the period of annexation under the Ethiopian Empire during the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie. Era of Haile Selassie in Eritrea was total (1962–1974). But Haile Selassie’s I reign in Ethiopia itself was from (1930–1974 ).
Mallas Michael Andom was born in 1914 in Khartoum, Sudan. He was the oldest son of Afendi Michael Andom and his wife (Weizero) Ghidey Reda, both originally from the village of Tseazega, located just outside the capital city of Asmara in now The State of Eritrea — a place historically belonging to the Hamassien region. The title “Afendi,” a mark of respect equivalent to the English “Sir,” was granted to my grandfather, Michael Andom. However, to this day, I cannot say who granted my grandfather this name or why.
Afendi Michael Andom and wife had four children:
Mallas Michael Andom (Ambassador, b. July 21 1914)
Ato Johannes Michael Andom (Author, b. 1918)
Weizero Tsion Michael Andom (b. 1922)
Lieutenant General Aman Michael Andom (b. 1924)
Weizero Ethiopia Michael Andom – My aunt sadly passed away at the young age of 14 or 15 from a severe intracerebral illness known as meningitis, a disease that is, unfortunately, common and endemic in Khartoum. Her death had a profound and devastating impact on the family. In her memory, Lt. General Aman Andom named his firstborn daughter Ethiopia.
Ambassador Mallas Michael Andom four children:
Hanna Mallas Andom (†)
Azeb Mallas Andom (†)
Salamawit Mallas Andom, living currently in the USA
Amanuel/Aman Mallas Andom (myself), living in Sweden
A Historical Legacy
Our family’s roots can be traced back many generations. Here is our lineage:
I, Amanuel Mallas M. Andom, I am the son of
→ Ambassador Mallas Michael Andom, who is the son of
→ Afendi Michael Andom, son of
→ Andom, son of
→ Hailay, son of
→ Zeru, son of
→ Fukroy, son of
→ Andit, son of
→ Beimnet, son of
→ Kentiba Ghebrechristos, lastly the son of
→ Samson
All of the above mentioned ancestors are all origins of the village of Tseazega in the (old regional division) Hamassien Region, part of Zoba Berik, in Eritrea.

From Colonial Rule in Eritrea to Flight to Sudan and the Rise of a High-Class Diplomat
Eritrea’s population in 1914 was approximately 500,000 people. As one scholar notes, “Italy created Eritrea by an act of surgery. Like almost all colonial entities, modern Eritrea was shaped by Italian and European colonialism only some 130–135 years ago—just a little over a century.” Benito Mussolini later “inherited” this Italian Eritrea, which had been declared an Italian colony by King Umberto’s royal decree on January 1, 1890 (WY-Ammar, Eritrea: Root Causes of War and Refugees). Upon rising to power in 1922, the Fascist regime intensified the development of the colony. Mussolini adopted the title Il Duce (“The Leader”) and ruled as Italy’s Fascist dictator from 1925 to 1945.
In May 5, 1936, after Italian forces invaded and captured Addis Ababa for a short time of period (circa 5 years), Mussolini proclaimed the creation of the Italian Empire and formally annexed Ethiopia on May 9, elevating King Victor Emmanuel III as Emperor of Ethiopia. Subsequently, on June 1, 1936, the territories of Italian Eritrea (expanded to include parts of northern Ethiopia), Italian Somaliland, and the new Ethiopian province were merged to form Italian East Africa (Africa Orientale Italiana), a single administrative entity under the kingdom.
Italian short overtake of Ethiopia during WWII:
Italy’s conquest of Ethiopia is known as the Second Italo-Ethiopian War. Here are the key dates:
October 3, 1935 – Italian forces invade Ethiopia (then Abyssinia), launching the war from Italian-held Eritrea and Somaliland May 5, 1936 – Italian troops occupy the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa.
May 9, 1936 – Mussolini formally annexes Ethiopia, declaring King Victor Emmanuel III Emperor and integrating Ethiopia into Italian East Africa.
So, from October 1935 to May 1936, Ethiopia was overrun. The occupation lasted until 1941, when Allied and Ethiopian forces drove out the Italians.

The consequences of Italian occupation of Eritrea
Not all Eritreans supported Italy; there was some resistance, though often limited and suppressed due to the historically known harshness of fascist Italian rule.
Therefore a considerable number of Eritreans fled to Sudan, Egypt or Ethiopia and began forming the nucleus of later anti-Colonial and independence movements.
According to older family members, a brother of Afendi Michael Andom became involved in a serious conflict with an Italian officer. This incident forced the Andom family to flee to neighboring country, Sudan. They settled in Khartoum the Capital city, where a new chapter in our/the Andoms family’s history began.
Mallas Michael Andom was born in Sudan, as were all his siblings. He began his primary education within the AngloEgyptian school system, which was the dominant educational structure in the region at the time (Egypt and Sudan). Later, he continued his secondry and higher studies in Tanta, Egypt—a decision that proved both timely and critical and very positive for his future development.
After completing his studies and spending some time in Khartoum, Mallas made the decisive choice to travel back to his homeland, Eritrea, and to the city of Asmara in hopes of finding an employment. His desire to leave Khartoum and Sudan stemmed from the fact that, at the time, it was very difficult for educated Eritreans to find work in Khartoum due to structural limitations. Fortunately, he managed to secure a position within the judiciary in Asmara, which was still under Italian administration. There, he not only worked diligently but also learned the Italian language, which would prove very useful later in his career.
Following Italy’s defeat in World War II, Mallas was just over 26–27 years old. Eritrea came under British control and was established as a British “protectorate” in April 1941, administered by the British Military Administration (BMA) (Trevaski, Eritrea: A Colony in Transition). This British administration lasted until September 1952. That year, the United Nations decided that Eritrea should enter into a federation with Emperor Haile Selassie’s Ethiopia.
However, the Emperor had broader ambitions. He calculated that once Eritrea was no longer a colony but instead an autonomous entity federated with Ethiopia under the sovereignty of the Ethiopian Crown, he could gradually assert greater control. Tragically, in 1962—just ten years after the federation was established—the Emperor unilaterally abrogated the agreement and forcefully annexed Eritrea, reducing it to a mere province of Ethiopia. This profoundly unilateral and devastating action became the catalyst for the protracted Eritrean struggle for independence.
In later evening discussions with my father, he expressed that the forced annexation represented a diplomatic failure on the part of the Emperor. Moreover, it was a merciless imposition on Eritrean citizens and their culture. The elevation of Amharic to the status of Eritrea’s dominant language was not merely an affront; it amounted to an act of cultural domination. It was ill-conceived, insensitive, and politically tone-deaf, inflicting an unwarranted wound on the identity of the Eritrean people.
This action became the principal catalyst for the formation of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) and the subsequent thirty-year struggle that ultimately led to Eritrea’s independence in 1991. Unfortunately, as of 2025—more than thirty years after independence and Eritrea’s recognition by the United Nations as a sovereign state—the country is still not considered fully “free.” Reasons include: (i) it remains effectively a one-party state, (ii) its judicial system is weak, and (iii) there is a complete absence of free elections.
It is therefore vitally important to remember—and never forget—what U.S. President John F. Kennedy once said: “Those who make peaceful change impossible make violent revolution inevitable.”
In the aftermath of WWII, note that, during the British and UN administration of the land Eritrea ( at an age of 27-30 years) and amid discussions with Emperor Haile Selassie’s Ethiopia, Mallas made a crucial decision. He moved to Addis Ababa. He dedicated himself also to learning Amharic, Ethiopia’s official language. At the time, Ethiopia also had relatively very few educated Ethiopian adults, and Mallas saw this as an important opportunity at the time to” climb up in his career step”.
With his academic merits and a bit of luck ( I would say a lot of luck and of course God blessings), Mallas succeeded in securing a job at the Imperial State Department (Ministry of Foreign Affairs), initially under Aklilu Habte-Wold and later Yilma Deressa. Mastering and being fluent in English, Tigrinya, Ge’ez, Amharic, Italian, and Arabic, Mallas impressed many, including his majesty the Emperor Haile Selassie himself. Despite his young age, and actually lacking formal political science education/international affairs studies of some sort. His exceptional intelligence, multilingual fluency, refined personality, and unwavering dedication earned him a distinguished appointment: a prominent desk position with an exceptional ambassadorial oversight, within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of His Imperial Majesty’s government.
However, during this period Mallas suffered from a chronic condition–“persistent high blood pressure”– which was eventualy discovered to be hereditary, raising serious concern. Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa–also situated well above sea level–further exacerbated his condition, making it difficult to manage while maintaining his demanding responsibilities.
For a brief period several years after the end of World War II–Mallas reconsidered his role. After deep personal reflection and subsequent private discussions with the Emperor, he requested reassignment. He proposed to serve as His Majesty’s ambassador to newly decolonized nations or neighboring African countries where his skills and background could be best applied.
Before delving into my father’s inaugural diplomatic assignment, it is essential to briefly contextualize the state of the African continent in the 1950s.
The most significant and encouraging development during this period was the beginning of widespread African liberation from colonial rule. After centuries of domination by European powers, the 1950s marked a pivotal decade in which many African nations began to assert their right to self-determination and independence.
At the end of World War II, in 1945, only three African countries were independent:
Liberia – Established in 1847 as a settlement for freed African-American slaves, Liberia was never colonized in the conventional sense and maintained its sovereignty throughout the colonial era.
Ethiopia – A historically rich and ancient nation in Eastern Africa, Ethiopia successfully resisted European colonization, with the exception of a brief Italian occupation in the 1930s. It remained a symbol of African resilience and independence.
Egypt – Gained formal independence from British rule in 1922, though full sovereignty was only achieved gradually over the subsequent decades until 1952.
The wave of decolonization began to gather momentum in the 1950s. As some examples
Libya became independent in 1951.
Sudan, Morocco, and Tunisia followed in 1956.
Simultaneously, PanAfricanism was gaining momentum—especially among diaspora communities in Europe. In cities such as Manchester, England, influential PanAfrican conferences convened visionary leaders who would later guide their nations to independence. These gatherings featured key figures including:
Kwame Nkrumah (Gold Coast/Ghana)
Jomo Kenyatta (Kenya)
Hastings Banda (Nyasaland/Malawi)
Obafemi Awolowo (Nigeria)
W. E. B. Du Bois (United States)
Alongside activists like George Padmore, Amy Ashwood Garvey, and T. Ras Makonnen
These conferences—most notably the 1945 Fifth PanAfrican Congress in Manchester—marked a decisive shift toward African-led decolonisation strategies. Nearly 200 delegates from Africa, the Americas, and the Caribbean gathered at Chorlton Town Hall, issuing a resounding “Declaration to the Colonial People of the World” to demand immediate independence, racial equality, and self-determination
in France and from the Senegal’s there was a Mr. Leopold Senghor who later after his study completions, returned to Senegal to become Senegal’s first president since 1960 until 1980
These leaders and others became the torchbearers of African liberation, shaping the continent’s political landscape for decades to come
Ambassador Mallas first Diplomatic Assignment: India
After stepping down from a great job and office at the ministry of Foreign affairs due to health reasons, Mallas Andom—at the behest of Emperor Haile Selassie—was appointed Chargé d’affaires of Ethiopia to the “newly free born” republic of India Already around the year of 1947. This assignment came shortly after India gained its independence from British colonial rule on August 15, 1947. Mallas Andom was elevated to the title of Ambassador to India around 1952. At the time, India was undergoing a transformative period of national reconstruction and identity-building. Mallas arrived in a nation marked by strong leadership, bold political visions, and deep philosophical reflection. It was a historic moment—especially considering the remarkable leaders he encountered during his diplomatic posting in New Delhi.
During this period, Mallas personally met with some of the most influential figures of the 20th century:
Mahatma Gandhi – the spiritual leader of India’s nonviolent independence movement. His philosophy of truth, peace, and civil disobedience inspired many worldwide, including African liberation movements.

Dr. Rajendra Prasad – the first postcolonial President of the Republic of India, noted for his integrity, academic credentials, and leadership during India’s early years of independence.

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru – the first Prime Minister of independent India and father of future India’s Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and her son Rajiv.
Nehru was a central figure representing India in the emerging Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and an important interlocutor—an intelligent and thoughtful discussion partner—for leaders of the Global South, particularly in Africa.
The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM)
NAM is an international organization of states that are not formally aligned with or against any major power bloc. The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) was founded on July 19, 1956—several years after the end of the Korean War—in Croatia (then part of Yugoslavia). Today, NAM has 121 member states, representing approximately 60% of United Nations membership. Key political figures in the history of NAM include President Josip Broz Tito of former Yugoslavia, India’s Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, President Sukarno of Indonesia, and President/Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser of the United Arab Republic.
Emperor Haile Selassie’s engagement with NAM began one to two years after its founding. The movement’s primary goals were to promote the interests of developing countries, support national independence and sovereignty, and oppose external interference in the affairs of its member states. NAM had its greatest political impact during the 1950s and 1960s, shaping the global discourse for newly independent nations.
So Mallas’s diplomatic role in India went far beyond formal protocol. He participated in intellectual discussions, intercultural forums, and diplomatic meetings that helped through his influence on the emperor shape modern day Ethiopia and Ethiopia’s relations with India and Africa as a continent undergoing decolonisation in the post war world. It was also in this environment that his vision of Pan-African collaboration deepened, as he saw clear parallels between India’s independence struggle and Africa’s ongoing liberation.

Back to Africa: Ambassador to Sudan
Mallas Andoms second diplomatic posting brought him back to Sudan in late 1956. This was the country where he was born and raised. This appointment was not only symbolically meaningful but also strategically important for Ethiopia, which at the time was working to strengthen relations with neighboring countries particularly Egypt because of the interconnection between Sudan, Egypt and Ethiopia.
Sudan achieved independence on January 1 1956, ending nearly six decades of AngloEgyptian condominium rule and entering a fragile political transition. Mallas was exceptionally well suited to his diplomatic role: he spoke fluent Arabic and English, possessed deep insight into Sudanese history and culture, and enjoyed robust personal ties to the country. These attributes fostered trust, facilitated diplomatic outreach, and enabled him to forge mutually beneficial bilateral relation.
Furthermore, his Eritrean heritage and innate ability to assimilate—what one contemporary source described as his capacity to “blend easily into the Sudanese fabric”—further reinforced his effectiveness. His background gave him an empathetic connection to local customs and social structures, enhancing his credibility among Sudanese officials and citizens alike.
As ambassador, to Khartoum, Mallas focused on:
Strengthening trade relations
Coordinating regional security
Promoting cooperation in education and culture
To maintain vigilant diplomatic oversight of the Blue Nile—amid growing concerns over the assertive posture of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser toward Emperor Haile Selassie and Ethiopia—His Excellency Ambassador Mallas Andom composed a direct and pointed letter to President Nasser in 1957. In it, he wrote:
“You claim to be an Arab and to lead the Arab world, but you interfere in the affairs of your Arab neighbors … We Ethiopians are not Arabs. We are Africans and we are black. We do not belong to your world although like you we drink of the water of the Nile. … You have military objectives. We do not know exactly what they may be, but we have no confidence in the strength of your armed forces……”
Hydropolitical tensions: Egypt’s ambition to assert dominance over the Nile Basin, exemplified by Nasser’s “Unity of the Nile Valley” doctrine, alarmed Ethiopia. Great Ethiopian concerns centered on protecting sovereign control over the Blue Nile and countering any attempts by Egypt to monopolize water resources.

Diplomatic firmness: Ambassador Mallas Andom’s letter reflects Ethiopia’s assertive diplomacy in the mid1950s, unequivocally rejecting Egypt’s hydropolitical advances and highlighting the military implications of Nasser’s designs.

Ethiopia’s stance: Concurrently, Ethiopia initiated its own Blue Nile watershed survey (the Abbay Master Plan) in 1957, sending a clear signal that it intended to develop these vital water resources independently of Egypt’s plans.
Ambassador Mallas Andom’s intervention innitiated by the Emperor in 1957 thus epitomizes Ethiopia’s determination to guard its sovereign interests in Nile waters and confront any Egyptian encroachment with both diplomatic clarity and strategic resolve.
Back to diplomatic “production” in Khartoum
His initiatives—including several programs in the agricultural sector—laid the groundwork for long-term collaboration, bolstering his reputation as a skilled and respected diplomat. During this period, Emperor Haile Selassie also made several state visits to Sudan.
Despite the progress that had been made, Mallas remained concerned about Sudan’s future, as the country experienced several changes in government. Fortunately, these transitions occurred peacefully, without the widespread bloodshed that often accompanies the fall of one regime and the rise of another.

PanAfrican Cooperation: The OAU and the Nile Question
While still stationed in Sudan during the 1950s and early 1960s—and later continuing his work as Ambassador in Egypt in the 1960s—Mallas witnessed and participated in the emerging PanAfricanist framework that shaped continental diplomacy, particularly regarding the geopolitically critical Nile River.
“During the 1950s and 1960s, the relationship between Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser and Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie was complex, characterized by both cooperation and underlying tensions.”
Despite their differing political systems—Nasser’s republicanism and Emperor Haile Selassie’s monarchy—the two leaders maintained a cordial and constructive relationship. Haile Selassie visited Cairo multiple times, (during President Nasser’s Era) notably in 1959, 1961, 1963, 1966, and 1969, which reflects the significance of their diplomatic ties. Each visit was met with warm receptions and centered on discussions about African unity and regional cooperation.
Both leaders played a key role in the establishment of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1963, with Addis Ababa selected as its headquarters—symbolizing Ethiopia’s pivotal role in the Pan-African movement.
Strategic and Ideological differences between the leader of Egypt Nasser and his majesty the Emperor Haile Selassie
Despite their cooperation, strategic and ideological differences between the two leaders remained. Emperor Haile Selassie was wary of President Nasser’s pan-Arab and pan-Islamic rhetoric, which he viewed as a potential threat to Ethiopia’s sovereignty and its Christian identity. While Ethiopia aligned itself with the West—most notably through the 1953 military agreement with the United States, which led to the development of the strategically important Kagnew Station in Asmara, later essential for projects such as the moon landing—Nasser promoted Arab nationalism and adopted a distinctly anti-Western stance.
One of the clearest points of contention emerged with Nasser’s support for African liberation movements, including the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF)—also known as Jabha—a group seen by Ethiopia as both a sworn enemy and a serious threat. On September 1, 1961, Hamid Idris Awate, widely regarded as the father of Eritrea’s armed struggle, launched an attack on an Ethiopian police post at Mount Adal. This marked the official beginning of the Eritrean War of Independence (1961-1991).
Before discussing Idris Awate, it is important to provide a brief overview of Eritrean history in the ten to thirteen years preceding 1961. In October 1946, the British Military Administration (BMA) formally allowed the creation of political parties in Eritrea for the first time. The exact purpose of this decision, however, remains unclear to the author. This transition sparked an immediate proliferation of organized political activity. These nascent parties were largely sectarian or regional rather than ideological or national: Christian highlanders and Muslim lowlanders formed separate platforms, and there was little evidence of mature, national-level party structure

Context & Party Origins

• The Unionist Party: – Formed formally on 1 January 1947, and rooted in the Mahbar Feqri Hagar Eretra (“Society for the Love of the Land of Eritrea”) and formally organized during the British military administration- consistently advocated integration with Ethiopia. The majority of this party’s members and voters were educated Eritrean Christians from the highlands who possessed significant economic means.
• In July 1949, several anti-unionist parties (notably the Muslim League, the Liberal Progressive Party and others) formed the Independence Bloc, opposing federation with Ethiopia. The majority of this party’s members and voters were illiterate, or had very little formal education, and mostly were Eritrean Muslims from the lowlands. However the Bloc quickly fragmented, often breaking apart during UN investigations in early 1950. Meanwhile the Unionists steadily expanded through church networks and coercive measures.
  The 1952 Elections
  Held on 25–26 March 1952 under universal male suffrage, election participation was limited to Eritreans (excluding Italians and mixedheritage citizens).
  of 68 assembly seats:
  Unionist Party: 32
  Democratic Front (the formal name for the Independence Bloc alliance): 18
  Muslim League of the Western Province (MLWP): 15
  Others: 3 (1 each Nationalist Party, Independent Muslim League of Masawa, Independents)
  The Unionists formed a governing coalition with the MLWP, securing control over the assembly and installing Tedla Bairu (Unionist) as Chief Executive and Ali Radai (MLWP) as Assembly President. Tedla Bairu was a prominent Eritrean political figure who played a key role in the country’s history during the mid-20th century. He was the leader of the Unionist Party, which was the dominant political force in Eritrea during the period of British administration after World War II. Tedla Bairu and the Unionist Party
  Political Stance: The Unionist Party’s main objective was the unconditional union of Eritrea with Ethiopia, based on historic, cultural, and religious ties. This position was supported and even financially assisted by the Ethiopian government under Emperor Haile Selassie.
  Support Base: The party’s members and voters were predominantly from the Eritrean highlands and were Christians, particularly Orthodox Christians, who shared a common faith with the majority of Ethiopians.
  Rise to Power: When the United Nations decided to federate Eritrea with Ethiopia in 1952, Tedla Bairu was elected as the first Chief Executive of Eritrea. In this role, he was the head of the autonomous Eritrean government within the new federation.
  Political Shift and Downfall: As the federation began to crumble due to Ethiopian encroachment on Eritrean autonomy, Tedla Bairu found himself in a difficult position. He was ultimately forced to resign by Emperor Haile Selassie in 1955. After his resignation, he was appointed as Ethiopia’s ambassador to Sweden.
  Change of Allegiance: In a significant shift in his political views, Tedla Bairu eventually defected from the Ethiopian government in 1967 and joined the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), an armed movement fighting for Eritrea’s independence. This move demonstrated his disillusionment with the Ethiopian government’s actions and his ultimate embrace of the cause for Eritrean self-determination.
  The 1956 Elections.
  With the party system officially outlawed, candidates ran as “independents.” Nonetheless, election alignments reflected the underlying proEthiopia (Unionist) vs. antiunion (Independence Bloc) divide.
  Unionistaligned candidates again secured exactly 32 seats even as antiunionist groups—through public discontent—took 36. Technically, the latter held more legislators, but the Unionists controlled assembly logistics and executive appointments.
  These elections were marred by harassment of antiunion candidates, visitations by federal police, and occasional violence—yet the Supreme Court only overturned a handful of questionable results before constitutional change nullified Eritrean autonomy.
  Significance & Aftermath
  Though the Independence Bloc initially held sufficient legislative seats to challenge federation, the Unionist Party’s institutional leverage, coupled with state intervention, enabled it to gradually dismantle Eritrea’s autonomous political framework.

The de facto erosion of Eritrean selfgovernment by 1960 led to the Eritrean assembly formally voting to abolish the federation in 1962, at which point Ethiopia annexed Eritrea as a province. The Unionists were thereafter marginalized within the imperial system. At this point I have to mention a very highly respected Eritrean figure whom my father often mentioned on lunch and dinner tables at home in the embassy. This man was Mr.Woldeab Woldemariam was a very important political leader in Eritrea. He was a journalist and teacher. Woldeab used his skills to write for a newspaper and became a powerful voice for Eritrean independence.

He was a strong supporter of independence. Unlike the Unionist Party, which wanted Eritrea to join Ethiopia, Woldeab was a leader of the independence movement. He worked hard to unite Christians and Muslims in Eritrea to fight for a separate country.

He was targeted for his beliefs. Because he was such a vocal opponent of a union with Ethiopia, he was the target of several assassination attempts.

He was forced into exile. After Eritrea was federated with Ethiopia, the pro-Ethiopian government made it impossible for him to stay. He was forced to leave the country but continued to fight for independence from abroad.
In short, Mr.Woldeab Woldemariam (1905–1995) was a revered Eritrean political figure, journalist, and intellectual who was considered a founding figure of Eritrean nationalism and a key proponent of its independence movement. He was a radical revolutionary and an uncompromising advocate for freedom and democracy.
Consequently and after the Idris Awate movement The ELF emerged as a nationalist movement in response to Ethiopia’s controversial “forced” federation with Eritrea and the subsequent also forced annexation (making Eritrea “just” a province of “Greater Ethiopia”) – a process that many Eritreans and international observers considered illegal. With Nasser’s explicit approval, the ELF was allowed to establish an office in Cairo, effectively granting it both political legitimacy and operational capacity from within Egypt. This positioned the ELF as one of the earliest and most active Eritrean liberation movements of the 1960s and 70s, and a direct adversary of the Ethiopian state.
This development was especially sensitive given that Ethiopia’s ambassador to Egypt at the time was Mallas Andom—himself of Eritrean origin. His role as the official representative of Emperor Haile Selassie, set against Cairo’s open support for Eritrean separatism, highlighted the complexity—and at times, contradictions—of intra-African diplomacy.
Nasser’s actions, seen by some as interference in the internal affairs of a fellow African nation, occasionally placed him at odds with Emperor Haile Selassie. The Emperor remained deeply cautious of revolutionary ideologies and nationalist movements that threatened the imperial order and regional stability—not to mention the ongoing tensions over the Blue Nile, which he also viewed as a strategic threat.
The OAU later became the AU
Ambassador Mallas Andom was also an active Ambassador within the Organization of African Unity (OAU)—later reconstituted as the African Union (AU). It was founded by 32 free African states that had achieved independence/decolonization by May 25, 1963. OAU was physically founded in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia with key figures including Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Emperor Haile Selassie I of Ethiopia, Jamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt including many others.
Even before the ambassadors posting in Egypt and the Republic of Lebanon he was heavily involved in regional diplomacy (Sudan, Egypt and Ethiopia), particularly during his time in Khartoum.
One key example of his diplomatic work was his role as Ethiopia’s emissary on Nile River water resources. In December 1956, Emperor Haile Selassie instructed him, as Ambassador in Sudan, to formulate a letter and to raise with President Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt’s proposal for a “Nile Valley unity commission”. In that meeting, Ambassador Mallas made it clear To President Nasser) that Ethiopia:
Did not consider itself part of the Arab world
Would not accept Egyptian interference in its (Ethiopias) internal affairs
While both countries drew from the Nile, Ethiopia prioritized its own interests
This dialogue represented a turning point in Ethiopia’s foreign policy under Addis Ababa—moving early away from Nasser’s pan-Arab alignment and asserting national sovereignty. In a November 12, 1957 speech, Emperor Haile Selassie emphasized the critical importance of utilizing Nile water resources for present and future Ethiopian generations. He also stated that Ethiopia was willing to share water resources with amicable neighbors, but that it was Ethiopia’s “primary and sacred duty” to develop its water resources in line with its population growth and economic expansion.
And now to the letter (In full) that Ambassador Mallas was instructed by the emperor to deliver to President Gamal Abdel Nasser.
Ambassador’s Letter to President Nasser, 1957
His Excellency
Gamal Abdel Nasser
President of the Arab Republic of Egypt
Dear Mr. President,
I write on behalf of His Imperial Majesty, Emperor Haile Selassie, to convey Ethiopia’s established position regarding the ongoing discussions on the Nile’s water resources and the recently proposed concept of a Nile Valley unity.
Ethiopia recognizes the importance of the Nile as a lifeline for the region and its peoples. However, we must firmly reiterate our sovereign right and duty to utilize our water resources for the benefit of the present and future generations of Ethiopians. It is therefore essential that any agreements or decisions regarding the management of the river be based on equality, respect for sovereignty, and consultation among all riparian nations.
We also wish to make it unequivocally clear that Ethiopia does not consider itself part of the Arab world and cannot accept any interference by Egypt in our internal affairs, nor any decisions made without Ethiopia’s full participation.
We hope to continue this dialogue in a spirit of mutual respect and understanding, so that together we may ensure the Nile’s future for all who depend on it.
With highest consideration,
Mallas Andom
Ambassador of the Empire of Ethiopia to Sudan”
These events marked a turning point in Ethiopia’s diplomatic relations with Egypt, where previous cooperation was replaced by a more independent and territorially focused stance.

Next Challenging Assignment: Ambassador to Egypt and Nasser himself
After many years of successful service in Sudan, Mallas was appointed by Emperor Haile Selassie as Ethiopia’s ambassador to Egypt- at the time (beginning of the 60s) considered as one of the most influential and symbolically important countries in both the Arab world and the African continent. The posting in Cairo was not only prestigious but also strategically critical during a period when both Ethiopia and Egypt played central roles in Africa’s independence movements and Cold War geopolitics.
At the time, Egypt was led by President Gamal Abdel Nasser, a strong advocate of both Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism. His government pursued an active foreign policy and positioned Egypt as a voice for the so-called “Third World or NAM none alignments movement”-nations that stood outside both the Western and Eastern blocs. During his posting, the ambassador witnessed the country (Egypt) taking part in two wars against Israel—the first in 1967, under President Nasser and the second in 1973 this time under President Anwar al-Sadat. The nationalization of the Suez Canal in 1956 was seen as a heroic act and greatly enhanced Nasser’s prestige throughout the postcolonial world. All of this contributed to Egypt becoming a central diplomatic player and a significant post for any ambassador.
Mallas, himself shaped by the Pan-African movement, adapted well to this dynamic environment. He already spoke Arabic and had strong familiarity with Egyptian culture thanks to his earlier education in the city of Tanta. This background gave him a considerable advantage in diplomatic communication, where both formal negotiation and cultural understanding played important roles.
During his time in Cairo:
He participated in several high-profile meetings between African leaders, including conferences that discussed the continent’s future unity and cooperation.
He worked actively to promote peaceful dialogue between Egypt and Ethiopia on the sensitive and strategically vital issue of the Nile’s waters. Despite the ambassadors earlier and critical letter to the president of Egypt, he sought unification rather than division.
He deepened cooperation in the field of education, including facilitating scholarships for Ethiopian (the majority where like the ambassador himself students from Eritrea) at Egyptian universities.
He contributed to cultural exchange between Cairo and Addis Ababa, resulting in joint artistic and academic projects.

An African Diplomat with a Broader Mission
Mallas’s ambassadorship in Egypt not only strengthened the relationship between Ethiopia and Egypt but also reinforced ties between Ethiopia and the broader Arab-African region. He came to be seen as a key figure in Ethiopia’s diplomatic network—not only thanks to his language skills and cultural competence but also for his ability to inspire trust and earn respect in international contexts.
Furthermore, due to his exceptional language skills and deep knowledge of the Middle East, he accompanied Emperor Haile Selassie on several official state visits to the Arab world—traveling on the same Ethiopian Airlines flights to countries such as Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Tunisia, and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.
The second war that Ambassador Mallas witnessed while in duty in Cairo.
During his tenure in Cairo, Ambassador Mallas witnessed Egypt’s second major conflict under his watch—the 1973 October War. President Gamal Abdel Nasser had died of a heart attack on 28 September 1970, after leading Egypt for 18 years. His vice president, Anwar alSadat, subsequently assumed the presidency.
Sadat inherited a nation still reeling from the catastrophic Arab defeat of 1967, during which Egypt and its allies suffered severe losses in manpower and military assets. Determined to restore national pride, Sadat orchestrated a comprehensive military reform-purging proNasser and proSoviet elements and broke from the USSR in favour of seeking support from the United States.
This preparation culminated on 6 October 1973, when Egypt launched a surprise attack across the Suez Canal into Sinai during the Jewish holy day of Yom Kippur (and on Ramadan), catching Israel offguard. Initially, Egypt achieved significant gains—destroying Israeli tanks, breaching the BarLev Line, and reestablishing a foothold on Egyptian soil. Although Israel eventually counter attacked, the war ended in a stalemate that paved the way for disengagement agreements in 1974 and ultimately peace negotiations.
For President Sadat, this wasn’t merely a military campaign—it was a calculated national strategy to reclaim Egypt’s honour and leverage diplomatic momentum. The outcome restored military pride and set the stage for Egypt’s eventual signing of the Camp David Accords and the 1979 peace treaty with Israel. This milestone marked the first peace treaty between Israel and an Arab nation.
1) Egypt officially recognizing Israel.
2) Israel returning the Sinai Peninsula back to Egypt.
A brief comment: The Suez Canal itself and its historical importance and meaning:
The Suez Canal was constructed over ten years, from 1859 to 1869, under the leadership of French diplomat Ferdinand de Lesseps, and was officially inaugurated on November 17, 1869. Its significance lies in connecting the Mediterranean and Red Seas, providing a shorter and more efficient maritime route between Europe and Asia by eliminating the need to sail around Africa. This transformed global trade, reduced travel times, and established the canal as a critical chokepoint of both economic and political importance.
Consider, as the author suggests: under a “free Eritrea,” what impact could this international maritime route have on the Eritrean economy? Eritrea possesses not one, but two deep-sea harbors—Masawa and Assab—making them highly strategic and economically significant locations.
Ethiopia, under the leadership of Haile Selassie I (who even bore the symbolic title “Lion of Judah”), maintained open sympathies for Israel and consequently provided it with discreet support during Israel’s 1967 Six-Day War and the 1973 October War with Egypt. Despite this unofficial backing, Ambassador Mallas ultimately persuaded Emperor Haile Selassie to extend a formal gesture of African solidarity: the Emperor instructed his son The Crown Prince, Asfa Wossen, to draft a letter of felicitations to President Sadat, affirming Egypt’s status as a fellow African nation to Ethiopia.
Ambassador Mallas Andom also noted that, in the early post-Nasser era, the new leadership in Cairo under President Sadat had begun to shift its priorities regarding Ethiopia—particularly with respect to the Blue Nile initiative, which was no longer considered a strategic focus. Likewise, the issue that had been of great importance to Emperor Haile Selassie—the Eritrean resistance and the activities of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF)—received noticeably less attention from the Sadat administration.
The Challenging ELF Phenomenon:
During President Anwar alSadat’s era, Egypt maintained a cautious but continued support for the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF)-a trend rooted in the earlier Nasser period.
Foundational Support under Nasser (1960–62):
Egyptian authorities funded and hosted ELF camps in Alexandria beginning in 1960, providing military training to Eritrean recruits-particularly future leaders like Idris Muhammad Adam. Cairo also supplied radio airtime on Radio Cairo to broadcast antiEthiopian propaganda encouraging Eritrean nationalist sentiment.
In July 1960, the ELF was officially founded in Cairo by Eritrean exiles, primarily students and intellectuals influenced by PanArab ideas.
Though Egypt under Sadat shifted its strategic alliances—pivoting towards the U.S. and pursuing peace with Israel—support for the ELF lingered into the early 1970s. Egypt continued enabling ELF operations through logistical cooperation with Sudan and outreach to Arab League nations that backed the cause
In 1975, Sadat personally appealed to the Ethiopian government on behalf of a ceasefire between Eritrean rebels and Ethiopia.
Egypt’s position on Eritrea was interwoven with wider geopolitical aims. In Nasser’s worldview, supporting Eritrean independence served as both a counterbalance to Ethiopian influence over the Nile and a means to bolster alliances with fellow Muslim or Arab states in the region.
About the long struggle to the Independent State of Eritrea:
The ELM (The Eritrean Liberation Movement):
Founded in 1958 by Eritrean exiles in Port Sudan, including Mohammed Saeed Nawed and others.
Operated primarily as a clandestine political organization among students, civil servants, and laborers. Its focus was on raising national consciousness and organizing nonviolent resistance against Ethiopian annexation.
It did not engage in armed struggle. Authorities cracked down on it in the early 1960s, and by around 1965, it had been largely dismantled.
The ELF (Eritrean liberation front):
The organization was formed in 1960 in Cairo by ELM alumni (former university students) and other exiles, and was led by Idris Mohammed Adem. Key members included Adem Akte, Ibrahim Idris, Mohammed Saleh, Ramadan, Taha Mohammed Nur, and others.
It shifted to armed struggle in 1961 under the leadership of Hamid Idris Awate, marking the beginning of the Eritrean War of Independence.
Originally influenced by panArab ideology and largely rooted in Muslim communities, the ELF soon expanded to include Christians and broadened its nationalist reach.
Both the ELM and the ELF where Islamic oriented and with the initial intention to Establishing an Independent Arab Islamic State of Eritrea
The Split: The Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) eventually gave rise to the emerging Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF).
In the early 1970s, internal disagreements within the ELF (chaired by Ahmed Mohammed Nasser 1975-1981) over ideology and strategy led to a split. A faction formed the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) in 1971–72 with a Marxist and leftist orientation led by Isaias Afwerki and others. 1974 was the period which Ambassador Mallas of Ethiopia has resigned from his duty as Ambassador of Ethiopia
By the late 1970s, the EPLF had grown stronger. Civil conflict between ELF and EPLF ended in 1981, when the ELF was effectively defeated and many of its members either fled or joined the EPLF.
Ultimately, the EPLF led Eritrea to de facto independence in 1991, and after a UN-supervised referendum in 1993, transformed into the ruling political party (PFDJ) in 1994.
A brief history of Eritrea precedes the struggle for freedom
In 1882, Italy began asserting control in Eritrea, and by 1 January 1890, it was formally declared the Italian Colony of Eritrea. In June 1936, Italy unified its colony of Eritrea with Ethiopia and Italian Somaliland into Italian East Africa, under the rule of Benito Mussolini. That year also marked Italy’s annexation of Ethiopia after the Second ItaloEthiopian War. During World War II, Allied forces defeated Italian occupation in 1941. Eritrea came under British military administration from 19 May 1941 until 15 September 1952, initially under UN oversight from 1951 onward. On 2 December 1950, the United Nations passed Resolution 390(A), mandating that Eritrea form a federation with Ethiopia as an autonomous region under the sovereignty of the Ethiopian crown. The federal union became effective on 15 September. Although Eritrea retained its own constitution, parliament, flag, taxation, and local police, much of its sovereignty—especially in foreign affairs, defense and finance—remained under Ethiopian control. In 1962, Emperor Haile Selassie formally dissolved the federation and by force annexed Eritrea as a “province” of Ethiopia, granting it coastal access to the Red Sea. This behavior was disapproved by Ambassador Andom, who viewed it through the lens of his Eritrean heritage. This also triggered the prolonged (30 years) Eritrean War of Independence, with the ELF—and later the EPLF—leading the struggle for sovereignty.
From the year 1962 Eritrea started its struggle for independence and this continuous as known for 30 long years. In April–May 1991, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) captured Asmara, effectively ending the thirty-year armed struggle and establishing a de facto Eritrean administration. This military victory culminated in de facto independence on 24 May 1991. Following a United Nations–supervised referendum held 23–25 April 1993, in which 99.8% of voters supported independence, Eritrea formally declared its sovereignty on 27 April 1993, and was admitted to the United Nations on 28 May 1993
The EPLF was led by Isaias Afwerki, who served as the head of the Provisional Government from 27 April 1991 to 24 May 1993 and was subsequently elected President of Eritrea on 24 May 1993.
In the months following liberation of Asmara, the EPLF provided critical assistance to allied groups in Ethiopia, notably the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). Together (The EPLF and the TPLF), these forces entered Addis Ababa in late May 1991, overthrowing the Mengistu Haile Mariam regime, the chairman of the Derg and Ethiopia’s then President.
Credit to the EPLF (Eritrean People Liberation Front)
The primary functions of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) in Ethiopia between May 1991 and May 1993 were largely focused on ensuring the peaceful and internationally recognized transition of Eritrea to independence and maintaining a cooperative relationship with the new Ethiopian government. The EPLF also simultaneously established the Provisional Government of Eritrea (PGE) in May 1991 and immediately engaged in talks with the EPRDF-Ethiopia-led Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE). The main function was to secure an official agreement from the TGE to uphold the right of the Eritrean people to self-determination and to hold an independence referendum. This agreement was crucial for an orderly separation and peaceful relations.
The most significant function was the preparation and eventual conduct of the Eritrean independence referendum in April 1993. Although the referendum was held in Eritrea, the EPLF’s actions were fundamental to the process, which concluded the decades-long civil war and led to the formal secession from Ethiopia in May 1993.
In the interim, the EPLF-led PGE worked with the TGE to manage the immediate post-war economic and logistical realities, including Ethiopia’s continued reliance on Eritrean ports (Masawa and Assab) for international trade, as Ethiopia became landlocked. This required ongoing cooperation on trade, currency, and transportation issues. Post 1993`s referendum there were many positive promises and Eritrea had in many ways indeed opportunities for a very successful future.
But to this date though, of October 2025 and also for some 32 years now, since 1993, The “Eternal” President Isaias Afwerki still remains in power in Eritrea. No national elections have been held, the 1997 constitution has never been implemented, and he continues to lead Eritrea as a centralized, oneparty state under the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), the successor of the EPLF.

To be continued in the future….