Background and Introduction

In the early 1990s, I was given a box by my late mother, Mrs. Takouhy Mallas Andom (maiden name Basmadjian). Inside was a collection of black-and-white photographs documenting the diplomatic career of my father, His Excellency Ambassador Mallas Michael Andom. The photographs I received, document pivotal moments during his tenure representing the Imperial Ethiopian Government under Emperor Haile Selassie, often featuring globally renowned dignitaries throughout the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. I constantly reminded myself that many of these images are seventy to seventy-five years old and merit reverence.

Most of the photographs I received from my mother were taken in India, Sudan and Egypt, where he served as Ethiopia’s ambassador. He began though his diplomatic journey in the early at the end of the 40s to mid-50s first as the  Chargé d’affaires in India, later becoming the ambassador. Continuing as ambassador to Sudan 1956 and so on as we read the captions of the photographs. In the 1960s, he was appointed ambassador to Egypt. He also served as Ethiopia’s ambassador to Lebanon and briefly in Tunis, as well as in roles connected with the Organization of African Unity (OAU), which later became the African Union (AU).

In 2025, at this respectful point in my life, I have developed a profound appreciation for the importance of preserving and sharing this authentic historical legacy. The photographs convey the true stories of who, what, when, and how. Thanks to the handwritten notes on the backs of many images—detailing dates, occasions, and the identities of those pictured—this legacy is richly preserved. I have decided to create this website andom.se which became a visual archive offering a unique glimpse into the life of a True Eritrean diplomat, born in Sudan, and who represented Ethiopia on the international stage. He loved Eritrea and he never forgot his heritage. His first “costume” job was in Asmara. He even bought a house in the Frovea area, located in Asmara’s city center, which is now old but still stands strong and existing. He lived in that house with his father, Afendi Michael Andom, and his brother, the writer/author Johannes Michael Andom.

I spent my childhood living with my father at the Ethiopian embassies in both Khartoum end of the fifties as a child of some years and then in Cairo during the 1960s and mid-70s. Many of my fondest memories come from that time. I’ve also included some personal reflections and notes to accompany many of the photographs featured on this website.

“However Before proceeding, I have 2 very important messages regarding information available regarding my Father. 

I) – My father is, or was, erroneously identified as “Ambassador Mellese,” “Melles,” or “Melese” (with various spellings). This is incorrect. A letter found online, signed by His Excellency my father in 1956 during his first African diplomatic assignment as Ambassador to Khartoum, Sudan, incorrectly uses the aforementioned false spelling of his name. This was an official letter addressed to His Excellency the late President of Egypt, Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser. Therefore, from this point forward, my father will always be referred to exclusively as Ambassador Mallas Michael Andom. 

II) – Another important point I wish to emphasize is that, although Ato Mallas was of Eritrean heritage, he—like many other Eritreans (both professionals and academics)—resided in Addis Ababa during that period in search of employment and entrepreneurial opportunities. My father was fortunate to serve directly under Emperor Haile Selassie in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. At a relatively young age, he earned the post of charge `de affairs first and later elevated to Ambassador. To avoid misconceptions about the Andom family, it is crucial to clarify the historical context. At that time, Eritrea was either federated with or annexed by Ethiopia. Under a UN-sponsored federation established in 1952, Eritrea had its own constitution and elected assembly, with the Unionist Party, backed mostly by highland (largely Christian) Eritreans, winning the largest share of seats. Ato Mallas proudly chose to belong to this party (Unionist Party). Support for union came primarily from those in the highlands, while much of the lowland population—particularly Muslims—favored independence or trusteeship. This federation, however, was short-lived. Regarding the political landscape of the time: elections in Eritrea during the 1950s indeed featured competition between unionists and anti-unionist groups. In the 1952 election, the Unionist Party secured 32 of 68 seats in 1956, the party maintained influence, though opposition candidates also made gains. Over the 1950s, however Ethiopian authorities gradually eroded Eritrean autonomy: introducing Amharic in place of Tigrinya and Arabic, banning political parties and student organizations, and finally dissolving the federation in 1962, reducing Eritrea to a “province” of Ethiopia. This, of course, was not viewed by Mallas as a fortunate event in Eritrea’s history. Nonetheless, I have to mention also that the struggle for Eritrean liberation formally commenced in 1962 with the uncoordinated Eritrean Liberation Movement (ELM), first, which later evolved into the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF). However, the contest for Eritrea’s independence truly gained momentum in 1974, following the formal establishment of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), also known as Shabia on August 1, 1973. Mallas Andom’s decision to terminate his, in many ways a great diplomatic engagement occurred during a period of profound political upheaval in Ethiopia. This was also closely followed by, and perhaps overshadowed by, the death of his youngest brother, Lt. General Aman Michael Andom, who had briefly served as the first post-imperial Head of State of Ethiopia from 1974 until his death. His assassination in a shoot-out at his Addis Ababa residence on 23 November 1974 effectively rendered Ambassador Mallas “unemployed” and abruptly ending his very successful diplomatic services. Due to a government shift (The DERG taking power in Ethiopia and toppling the Imperial government of Haile Selassie I, who also passed away during this period of worrying times in Ethiopian modern history ( on 27 August 1975). Now that these 2 clarifications have been made, I will proceed with the following interesting introduction. Enjoy the photographs.

The Ambassador’s Family.

Mallas Michael Andom was born in 1914 in Khartoum, Sudan. He was the oldest son of Afendi Michael Andom and his wife (Weizero) Ghidey Reda, both originally from the village of Tseazega, located just outside the capital city of Asmara in now The State of  Eritrea — a place historically belonging to the Hamassien region. The title “Afendi,” a mark of respect equivalent to the English “Sir,” was granted to my grandfather, Michael Andom. However, to this day, I cannot say who granted my grandfather this name or why.

Afendi Michael Andom and wife had four children:

• Mallas Michael Andom (Ambassador, b. July 21 1914)
• Ato Johannes Michael Andom (Author, b. 1918)
• Weizero Tsion Michael Andom (b. 1922)
• Lieutenant General Aman Michael Andom (b. 1924)

Ambassador Mallas Michael Andom four children:

• Hanna Mallas Andom (†)
• Azeb Mallas Andom (†)
• Salamawit Mallas Andom, living currently in the USA
• Amanuel/Aman Mallas Andom (myself), living in Sweden

A Historical Legacy

Our family’s roots can be traced back many generations. Here is our lineage:

I, Amanuel Mallas M. Andom, I am the son of
→ Ambassador Mallas Michael Andom, who is the son of
→ Afendi Michael Andom, son of
→ Andom, son of
→ Hailay, son of
→ Zeru, son of
→ Fukroy, son of
→ Andit, son of
→ Beimnet, son of
→ Kentiba Ghebrechristos, lastly the son of
→ Samson

All of the above mentioned ancestors are all origins of the village of Tseazega in the (old regional division) Hamassien Region, part of Zoba Berik, in Eritrea.

From Colonial Rule in Eritrea to Flight to Sudan and the Rise of a High-Class Diplomat

Eritrea’s population in 1914 was approximately 700 000 people. Benito Mussolini “inherited” Italian Eritrea, which had been established as a colony in the 1880s during the European “Scramble for Africa.” Upon rising to power in 1922, the Fascist regime intensified development in the colony. The title : Il Duce (“The Leader”) was adopted by Benito Mussolini, the Fascist dictator of Italy from 1925 to 1945.

In May 1936, after Italian forces captured Addis Ababa on May 5 for a short time of period, Mussolini proclaimed the creation of the Italian Empire and formally annexed Ethiopia on May 9, elevating King Victor Emmanuel III as Emperor of Ethiopia. Subsequently, on June 1, 1936, the territories of Italian Eritrea (expanded to include parts of northern Ethiopia), Italian Somaliland, and the new Ethiopian province were merged to form Italian East Africa (Africa Orientale Italiana), a single administrative entity under the kingdom.

Italian short overtake of Ethiopia during WWII:

Italy’s conquest of Ethiopia is known as the Second Italo-Ethiopian War. Here are the key dates:

•  October 3, 1935 – Italian forces invade Ethiopia (then Abyssinia), launching the war from Italian-held Eritrea and Somaliland May 5, 1936 – Italian troops occupy the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa.
• May 9, 1936 – Mussolini formally annexes Ethiopia, declaring King Victor Emmanuel III Emperor and integrating Ethiopia into Italian East Africa.  
• So, from October 1935 to May 1936, Ethiopia was overrun. The occupation lasted until 1941, when Allied and Ethiopian forces drove out the Italians.

The consequences of Italian occupation of Eritrea

Not all Eritreans supported Italy; there was some resistance, though often limited and suppressed due to the historically known harshness of fascist Italian rule.

Therefore a considerable number of Eritreans fled to Sudan, Egypt or Ethiopia and began forming the nucleus of later anti-Colonial and independence movements.

According to older family members, a brother of Afendi Michael Andom became involved in a serious conflict with an Italian officer. This incident forced the Andom family to flee to neighboring country, Sudan. They settled in Khartoum the Capital city, where a new chapter in our/the Andoms family’s history began.

Mallas Michael Andom was born in Sudan, as were all his siblings. He began his primary education within the Anglo-Egyptian school system, which was the dominant educational structure in the region at the time. Later, he continued his secondry and higher studies in Tanta, Egypt—a decision that proved both timely and critical for his future development.

After completing his studies and spending some time in Khartoum, Mallas made the decisive choice to travel back to his homeland, Eritrea, and to the city of Asmara in hopes of finding an employment. His desire to leave Khartoum and Sudan stemmed from the fact that, at the time, it was very difficult for Eritreans to find work in Khartoum due to structural limitations. Fortunately, he managed to secure a position within the judiciary in Asmara, which was still under Italian administration. There, he not only worked diligently but also learned the Italian language, which would prove very useful later in his career.

Following Italy’s defeat in World War II (Mallas was then just over 27 years old), Eritrea became a British protectorate in 1941. But in 1952, the United Nations decided that Eritrea would enter into a federation with Emperor Haile Selassie’s Ethiopia. But in 1962, ten years after the federation was formed, Emperor Haile Selassie unilaterally annexed Eritrea, triggering the Eritrean struggle for independence. The Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) was established, and a thirty-year conflict began, ultimately leading to Eritrea’s independence in 1993. Unfortunately, as of 2025, Eritrea is still not considered a “free country”—it is effectively a one-party state with a very weak judicial system and a complete absence of free elections.

In the aftermath of WWII, note that, during the British and UN administration of the land Eritrea and amid discussions with Emperor Haile Selassie’s Ethiopia, Mallas made a crucial decision. He moved to Addis Ababa. He dedicated himself also to learning Amharic, Ethiopia’s official language. At the time, Ethiopia also had relatively very few educated Ethiopian (including Eritreans of origin) adults, and Mallas saw this as an important opportunity at the time to” climb up in his career step”. 

With his academic merits and a bit of luck ( I would say a lot of luck and God blessings) , Mallas succeeded in securing a job at the Imperial State Department (Ministry of Foreign Affairs), initially under Aklilu Habte-Wold and later Yilma Deressa. Mastering and being fluent in English, Tigrinya, Ge’ez, Amharic, Italian, and Arabic, Mallas impressed many, including his majesty the Emperor Haile Selassie himself. Despite being 35 or 36 years of age, and actually lacking formal political science education/international affairs studies of some sort. His exceptional intelligence, multilingual fluency, refined personality, and unwavering dedication earned him a distinguished appointment: a prominent desk position with an exceptional ambassadorial oversight, within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of His Imperial Majesty’s government.

However, during this period Mallas suffered from a chronic condition–“persistent high blood pressure”– which was eventualy discovered to be hereditary, raising serious concern. Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa–also situated well above sea level–further exacerbated his condition, making it difficult to manage while maintaining his demanding responsibilities.

For a brief period–several years after the end of World War II–Mallas reconsidered his role. After deep personal reflection and subsequent private discussions with the Emperor, he requested reassignment. He proposed to serve as His Majesty’s ambassador to newly decolonized nations or neighboring African countries where his skills and background could be best applied.

Before delving into my father’s inaugural diplomatic assignment, it is essential to briefly contextualize the state of the African continent in the 1950s. 

The most significant and encouraging development during this period was the beginning of widespread African liberation from colonial rule. After centuries of domination by European powers, the 1950s marked a pivotal decade in which many African nations began to assert their right to self-determination and independence.

At the end of World War II, in 1945, only three African countries were independent:

1. Liberia – Established in 1847 as a settlement for freed African-American slaves, Liberia was never colonized in the conventional sense and maintained its sovereignty throughout the colonial era.
2. Ethiopia – A historically rich and ancient nation in Eastern Africa, Ethiopia successfully resisted European colonization, with the exception of a brief Italian occupation in the 1930s. It remained a symbol of African resilience and independence.
3. Egypt – Gained formal independence from British rule in 1922, though full sovereignty was only achieved gradually over the subsequent decades until 1952.

The wave of decolonization began to gather momentum in the 1950s. As some examples

• Libya became independent in 1951.
• Sudan, Morocco, and Tunisia followed in 1956.

Simultaneously, Pan-Africanism was gaining momentum—especially among diaspora communities in Europe. In cities such as Manchester, England, influential Pan-African conferences convened visionary leaders who would later guide their nations to independence. These gatherings featured key figures including:

• Kwame Nkrumah (Gold Coast/Ghana)
• Jomo Kenyatta (Kenya)
• Hastings Banda (Nyasaland/Malawi)
• Obafemi Awolowo (Nigeria)
• W. E. B. Du Bois (United States)
• Alongside activists like George Padmore, Amy Ashwood Garvey, and T. Ras Makonnen

These conferences—most notably the 1945 Fifth Pan-African Congress in Manchester—marked a decisive shift toward African-led decolonisation strategies. Nearly 200 delegates from Africa, the Americas, and the Caribbean gathered at Chorlton Town Hall, issuing a resounding “Declaration to the Colonial People of the World” to demand immediate independence, racial equality, and self-determination

• in France and from the Senegal there was a Mr. Leopold Senghor who later after his study completions, returned to Senegal to become Senegal’s first president since 1960 until 1980

These leaders and others became the torchbearers of African liberation, shaping the continent’s political landscape for decades to come

Ambassador Mallas first Diplomatic Assignment: India

After stepping down from a great job and office at the ministry of Foreign affairs due to health reasons, Mallas Andom—at the behest of Emperor Haile Selassie—was appointed Chargé d’affaires of Ethiopia to the republic of India. This assignment came shortly after India gained its independence from British colonial rule on August 15, 1947.

At the time, India was undergoing a transformative period of national reconstruction and identity-building. Mallas arrived in a nation marked by strong leadership, bold political visions, and deep philosophical reflection. It was a historic moment—especially considering the remarkable leaders he encountered during his diplomatic posting in New Delhi.

During this period, Mallas personally met with some of the most influential figures of the 20th century:

1. Mahatma Gandhi – the spiritual leader of India’s nonviolent independence movement. His philosophy of truth, peace, and civil disobedience inspired many worldwide, including African liberation movements.

2. Dr. Rajendra Prasad – the first post colonial President of the Republic of India, noted for his integrity, academic credentials, and leadership during India’s early years of independence.

3. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru – the first Prime Minister of independent India and father of future India’s Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and her son Rajiv. 

Nehru was a central figure in the emerging Of Non-Aligned Movement, (NAM), and an important interlocutor, even an intelligent discussing partner for leaders in the Global South.

The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM)

NAM is an international organization of states that are not formally aligned with or against any major power bloc. NAM was founded in 1961 in Belgrade (now Serbia) and currently has 121 member states, representing about 60% of the United Nations membership. Most important political figures to remember in the history of NAM were the following: President Josip Broz Tito of  former Yugoslavia, India’s prime minister Mr. Jawaharlal Nehru, President of Ghana Mr. Kwame Nkrumah, the president of Indonesia Mr. Sukarno and the president of the united Arab Republic Mr. Gamal Abdel Nasser. The NAM’s goals included promoting the interests of developing countries, supporting national independence and sovereignty, and opposing external interference in the affairs of member states. The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) had its greatest political impact during the 1950s and 1960s.

So Mallas’s diplomatic role in India went far beyond formal protocol. He participated in intellectual discussions, intercultural forums, and diplomatic meetings that helped through his influence on the emperor shape modern day Ethiopia and Ethiopia’s relations with India and Africa as a continent undergoing decolonisation in the post war world. It was also in this environment that his vision of Pan-African collaboration deepened, as he saw clear parallels between India’s independence struggle and Africa’s ongoing liberation.

---

Back to Africa: Ambassador to Sudan

Mallas Andoms second diplomatic posting brought him back to Sudan in late 1956. This was the country where he was born and raised. This appointment was not only symbolically meaningful but also strategically important for Ethiopia, which at the time was working to strengthen relations with neighboring countries particularly Egypt because of the interconnection between Sudan, Egypt and Ethiopia.

Sudan achieved independence on January 1, 1956, ending nearly six decades of Anglo-Egyptian condominium rule and entering a fragile political transition. Mallas was exceptionally well suited to his diplomatic role: he spoke fluent Arabic and English, possessed deep insight into Sudanese history and culture, and enjoyed robust personal ties to the country. These attributes fostered trust, facilitated diplomatic outreach, and enabled him to forge mutually beneficial bilateral relation.

Furthermore, his Eritrean heritage and innate ability to assimilate—what one contemporary source described as his capacity to “blend easily into the Sudanese fabric”—further reinforced his effectiveness. His background gave him an empathetic connection to local customs and social structures, enhancing his credibility among Sudanese officials and citizens alike.

As ambassador, to Khartoum, Mallas focused on:

• Strengthening trade relations
• Coordinating regional security
• Promoting cooperation in education and culture

To maintain vigilant diplomatic oversight of the Blue Nile—amid growing concerns over the assertive posture of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser toward Emperor Haile Selassie and Ethiopia—His Excellency Ambassador Mallas Andom composed a direct and pointed letter to President Nasser in 1957. In it, he wrote:

“You claim to be an Arab and to lead the Arab world, but you interfere in the affairs of your Arab neighbors … We Ethiopians are not Arabs. We are Africans and we are black. We do not belong to your world although like you we drink of the water of the Nile. … You have military objectives. We do not know exactly what they may be, but we have no confidence in the strength of your armed forces……” 

• Hydropolitical tensions: Egypt’s ambition to assert dominance over the Nile Basin, exemplified by Nasser’s “Unity of the Nile Valley” doctrine, alarmed Ethiopia. Great Ethiopian concerns centered on protecting sovereign control over the Blue Nile and countering any attempts by Egypt to monopolize water resources.

• Diplomatic firmness: Ambassador Mallas Andom’s letter reflects Ethiopia’s assertive diplomacy in the mid-1950s, unequivocally rejecting Egypt’s hydropolitical advances and highlighting the military implications of Nasser’s designs.

• Ethiopia’s stance: Concurrently, Ethiopia initiated its own Blue Nile watershed survey (the Abbay Master Plan) in 1957, sending a clear signal that it intended to develop these vital water resources independently of Egypt’s plans.

Ambassador Mallas Andom’s intervention innitiated by the Emperor in 1957 thus epitomizes Ethiopia’s determination to guard its sovereign interests in Nile waters and confront any Egyptian encroachment with both diplomatic clarity and strategic resolve.

Back to diplomatic “production” in Khartoum 

His initiatives—including several programs in the agricultural sector—laid the groundwork for long-term collaboration, bolstering his reputation as a skilled and respected diplomat. During this period, Emperor Haile Selassie also made several state visits to Sudan.

Despite the progress that had been made, Mallas remained concerned about Sudan’s future, as the country experienced several changes in government. Fortunately, these transitions occurred peacefully, without the widespread bloodshed that often accompanies the fall of one regime and the rise of another.

Pan-African Cooperation: The OAU and the Nile Question

While still stationed in Sudan during the 1950s and early 1960s—and later continuing his work in Egypt in the 1960s—Mallas witnessed and participated in the emerging Pan-Africanist framework that shaped continental diplomacy, particularly regarding the geopolitically critical Nile River. 

“During the 1950s and 1960s, the relationship between Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser and Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie was complex, characterized by both cooperation and underlying tensions.”

Despite their differing political systems—Nasser’s republicanism and Emperor Haile Selassie’s monarchy—the two leaders maintained a cordial and constructive relationship. Haile Selassie visited Cairo multiple times, notably in 1959, 1961, 1963, 1966, and 1969, which reflects the significance of their diplomatic ties. Each visit was met with warm receptions and centered on discussions about African unity and regional cooperation.

Both leaders played a key role in the establishment of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in 1963, with Addis Ababa selected as its headquarters—symbolizing Ethiopia’s pivotal role in the Pan-African movement.

Strategic and Ideological differences between the leader of Egypt Nasser and his majesty the Emperor Haile Selassie

Despite their cooperation, strategic and ideological differences between the two leaders remained. Emperor Haile Selassie was wary of President Nasser’s pan-Arab and pan-Islamic rhetoric, which he viewed as a potential threat to Ethiopia’s sovereignty and its Christian identity. While Ethiopia aligned itself with the West—highlighted by the 1953 military agreement with the United States—Nasser promoted Arab nationalism and adopted a distinctly anti-Western stance.

One of the clearest points of contention emerged with Nasser’s support for African liberation movements, including the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF)—also known as Jabha—a group seen by Ethiopia as both a sworn enemy and a serious threat. On September 1, 1961, Hamid Idris Awate, widely regarded as the father of Eritrea’s armed struggle, launched an attack on an Ethiopian police post at Mount Adal. This marked the official beginning of the Eritrean War of Independence.

But before Idris Awate here is a brief history:  In October 1946, the British Military Administration formally permitted the creation of political parties in Eritrea for the first time since the Italian colonial period. This transition sparked an immediate proliferation of organized political activity. These nascent parties were largely sectarian or regional rather than ideological or national: Christian highlanders and Muslim lowlanders formed separate platforms, and there was little evidence of mature, national-level party structure

1. Context & Party Origins

  The Unionist Party: – Formed formally on 1 January 1947, and rooted in the Mahbar Feqri Hagar Eretra (“Society for the Love of the Land of Eritrea”) and formally organized during the British military administration- consistently advocated integration with Ethiopia. The majority of this party’s members and voters were educated Eritrean Christians from the highlands who possessed significant economic means.                                                         

  In July 1949, several anti-unionist parties (notably the Muslim League, the Liberal Progressive Party and others) formed the Independence Bloc, opposing federation with Ethiopia. The majority of this party’s members and voters were illiterate, or had very little formal education, and were Eritrean Muslims from the lowlands. However the Bloc quickly fragmented, often breaking apart during UN investigations in early 1950. Meanwhile the Unionists steadily expanded through church networks and coercive measures.

2. The 1952 Elections

 Held on 25–26 March 1952 under universal male suffrage, election participation was limited to Eritreans (excluding Italians and mixed-heritage citizens).

 of 68 assembly seats:

• Unionist Party: 32
• Democratic Front (the formal name for the Independence Bloc alliance): 18
• Muslim League of the Western Province (MLWP): 15
• Others: 3 (1 each Nationalist Party, Independent Muslim League of Masawa, Independents)

 The Unionists formed a governing coalition with the MLWP, securing control over the assembly and installing Tedla Bairu (Unionist) as Chief Executive and Ali Radai (MLWP) as Assembly President. Tedla Bairu was a prominent Eritrean political figure who played a key role in the country’s history during the mid-20th century. He was the leader of the Unionist Party, which was the dominant political force in Eritrea during the period of British administration after World War II. Tedla Bairu and the Unionist Party

• Political Stance: The Unionist Party’s main objective was the unconditional union of Eritrea with Ethiopia, based on historic, cultural, and religious ties. This position was supported and even financially assisted by the Ethiopian government under Emperor Haile Selassie.
• Support Base: The party’s members and voters were predominantly from the Eritrean highlands and were Christians, particularly Orthodox Christians, who shared a common faith with the majority of Ethiopians.
• Rise to Power: When the United Nations decided to federate Eritrea with Ethiopia in 1952, Tedla Bairu was elected as the first Chief Executive of Eritrea. In this role, he was the head of the autonomous Eritrean government within the new federation.
• Political Shift and Downfall: As the federation began to crumble due to Ethiopian encroachment on Eritrean autonomy, Tedla Bairu found himself in a difficult position. He was ultimately forced to resign by Emperor Haile Selassie in 1955. After his resignation, he was appointed as Ethiopia’s ambassador to Sweden.
• Change of Allegiance: In a significant shift in his political views, Tedla Bairu eventually defected from the Ethiopian government in 1967 and joined the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), an armed movement fighting for Eritrea’s independence. This move demonstrated his disillusionment with the Ethiopian government’s actions and his ultimate embrace of the cause for Eritrean self-determination.

3. The 1956 Elections.                                                                        

 with the party system officially outlawed, candidates ran as “independents.” Nonetheless, election alignments reflected the underlying pro-Ethiopia (Unionist) vs. anti-union (Independence Bloc) divide.

 Unionist-aligned candidates again secured exactly 32 seats even as anti-unionist groups—through public discontent—took 36. Technically, the latter held more legislators, but the Unionists controlled assembly logistics and executive appointments.

  These elections were marred by harassment of anti-union candidates, visitations by federal police, and occasional violence—yet the Supreme Court only overturned a handful of questionable results before constitutional change nullified Eritrean autonomy.

4.  Significance & Aftermath

  Though the Independence Bloc initially held sufficient legislative seats to challenge federation, the Unionist Party’s institutional leverage, coupled with state intervention, enabled it to gradually dismantle Eritrea’s autonomous political framework.

.  The de facto erosion of Eritrean self-government by 1960 led to the Eritrean assembly formally voting to abolish the federation in 1962, at which point Ethiopia annexed Eritrea as a province. The Unionists were thereafter marginalized within the imperial system

.   At this point I have to mention a very highly respected Eritrean figure whom my father often mentioned on lunch o dinner tables at home in the embassy. This man was Mr.Woldeab Woldemariam was a very important political leader in Eritrea. He was a journalist and teacher. Woldeab used his skills to write for a newspaper and became a powerful voice for Eritrean independence.

• He was a strong supporter of independence. Unlike the Unionist Party, which wanted Eritrea to join Ethiopia, Woldeab was a leader of the independence movement. He worked hard to unite Christians and Muslims in Eritrea to fight for a separate country.
• He was targeted for his beliefs. Because he was such a vocal opponent of a union with Ethiopia, he was the target of several assassination attempts.
• He was forced into exile. After Eritrea was federated with Ethiopia, the pro-Ethiopian government made it impossible for him to stay. He was forced to leave the country but continued to fight for independence from abroad.

In short, Mr.Woldeab Woldemariam (1905–1995) was a revered Eritrean political figure, journalist, and intellectual who is considered a founding figure of Eritrean nationalism and a key proponent of its independence movement. He was a radical revolutionary and an uncompromising advocate for freedom and democracy. Freedom we got but Democracy?  You can see for yourself after 32 years of “NOTHING GOOD happening in Eritrea except war and war…”

Consequently and after the Idris Awate movement The ELF emerged as a nationalist movement in response to Ethiopia’s controversial federation with Eritrea and the subsequent annexation (making Eritrea a province of “Greater Ethiopia”) – a process that many Eritreans and international observers considered illegal. With Nasser’s explicit approval, the ELF was allowed to establish an office in Cairo, effectively granting it both political legitimacy and operational capacity from within Egypt. This positioned the ELF as one of the earliest and most active Eritrean liberation movements of the 1960s and 70s, and a direct adversary of the Ethiopian state.

This development was especially sensitive given that Ethiopia’s ambassador to Egypt at the time was Mallas Andom—himself of Eritrean origin. His role as the official representative of Emperor Haile Selassie, set against Cairo’s open support for Eritrean separatism, highlighted the complexity—and at times, contradictions—of intra-African diplomacy.

Nasser’s actions, seen by some as interference in the internal affairs of a fellow African nation, occasionally placed him at odds with Emperor Haile Selassie. The Emperor remained deeply cautious of revolutionary ideologies and nationalist movements that threatened the imperial order and regional stability—not to mention the ongoing tensions over the Blue Nile, which he also viewed as a strategic threat.

The OAU later became the AU

Ambassador Mallas Andom was also an active Ambassador within the Organization of African Unity (OAU)—later reconstituted as the African Union (AU), founded by president Nasser and Emperor Haile Selassie. Even before the ambassadors posting in Egypt and the Republic of Lebanon he was heavily involved in regional diplomacy (Sudan, Egypt and Ethiopia), particularly during his time in Khartoum.

One key example of his diplomatic work was his role as Ethiopia’s emissary on Nile River water resources. In December 1956, Emperor Haile Selassie instructed him, as Ambassador in Sudan, to formulate a letter and to raise with President Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt’s proposal for a “Nile Valley unity commission”.  In that meeting, Ambassador Mallas made it clear To President Nasser) that Ethiopia:

• Did not consider itself part of the Arab world
• Would not accept Egyptian interference in its internal affairs
• While both countries drew from the Nile, Ethiopia prioritized its own interests

This dialogue represented a turning point in Ethiopia’s foreign policy under Addis Ababa—moving early away from Nasser’s pan-Arab alignment and asserting national sovereignty. In a November 12, 1957 speech, Emperor Haile Selassie emphasized the critical importance of utilizing Nile water resources for present and future Ethiopian generations. He also stated that Ethiopia was willing to share water resources with amicable neighbors, but that it was Ethiopia’s “primary and sacred duty” to develop its water resources in line with its population growth and economic expansion.

And now to the letter (In full) that Ambassador Mallas was instructed by the emperor to deliver to President Gamal Abdel Nasser.

Ambassador’s Letter to President Nasser, 1957

His Excellency
Gamal Abdel Nasser
President of the Arab Republic of Egypt

Dear Mr. President,

I write on behalf of His Imperial Majesty, Emperor Haile Selassie, to convey Ethiopia’s established position regarding the ongoing discussions on the Nile’s water resources and the recently proposed concept of a Nile Valley unity.

Ethiopia recognizes the importance of the Nile as a lifeline for the region and its peoples. However, we must firmly reiterate our sovereign right and duty to utilize our water resources for the benefit of the present and future generations of Ethiopians. It is therefore essential that any agreements or decisions regarding the management of the river be based on equality, respect for sovereignty, and consultation among all riparian nations.

We also wish to make it unequivocally clear that Ethiopia does not consider itself part of the Arab world and cannot accept any interference by Egypt in our internal affairs, nor any decisions made without Ethiopia’s full participation.

We hope to continue this dialogue in a spirit of mutual respect and understanding, so that together we may ensure the Nile’s future for all who depend on it.

With highest consideration,
Mallas Andom
Ambassador of the Empire of Ethiopia to Sudan”

These events marked a turning point in Ethiopia’s diplomatic relations with Egypt, where previous cooperation was replaced by a more independent and territorially focused stance.

Next Challenging Assignment: Ambassador to Egypt and Nasser himself

After many years of successful service in Sudan, Mallas was appointed by Emperor Haile Selassie as Ethiopia’s ambassador to Egypt- at the time (beginning of the 60s) considered as one of the most influential and symbolically important countries in both the Arab world and the African continent. The posting in Cairo was not only prestigious but also strategically critical during a period when both Ethiopia and Egypt played central roles in Africa’s independence movements and Cold War geopolitics.

At the time, Egypt was led by President Gamal Abdel Nasser, a strong advocate of both Pan-Arabism and Pan-Africanism. His government pursued an active foreign policy and positioned Egypt as a voice for the so-called “Third World or NAM none alignments movement”-nations that stood outside both the Western and Eastern blocs. During his posting, the ambassador witnessed the country (Egypt) taking part in two wars against Israel—the first in 1967, under president Nasser and the second in 1973 this time under President Anwar al-Sadat. The nationalization of the Suez Canal in 1956 was seen as a heroic act and greatly enhanced Nasser’s prestige throughout the postcolonial world. All of this contributed to Egypt becoming a central diplomatic player and a significant post for any ambassador.

Mallas, himself shaped by the Pan-African movement, adapted well to this dynamic environment. He already spoke Arabic and had strong familiarity with Egyptian culture thanks to his earlier education in the city of Tanta. This background gave him a considerable advantage in diplomatic communication, where both formal negotiation and cultural understanding played important roles.

During his time in Cairo:

• He participated in several high-profile meetings between African leaders, including conferences that discussed the continent’s future unity and cooperation.
• He worked actively to promote peaceful dialogue between Egypt and Ethiopia on the sensitive and strategically vital issue of the Nile’s waters. Despite the ambassadors earlier and critical letter to the president of Egypt, he sought unification rather than division.
• He deepened cooperation in the field of education, including facilitating scholarships for Ethiopian (the majority where like the ambassador himself students from Eritrea) at Egyptian universities.
• He contributed to cultural exchange between Cairo and Addis Ababa, resulting in joint artistic and academic projects.

An African Diplomat with a Broader Mission

Mallas’s ambassadorship in Egypt not only strengthened the relationship between Ethiopia and Egypt but also reinforced ties between Ethiopia and the broader Arab-African region. He came to be seen as a key figure in Ethiopia’s diplomatic network—not only thanks to his language skills and cultural competence but also for his ability to inspire trust and earn respect in international contexts.

Furthermore, due to his exceptional language skills and deep knowledge of the Middle East, he accompanied Emperor Haile Selassie on several official state visits to the Arab world—traveling on the same Ethiopian Airlines flights to countries such as Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Tunisia, and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

The second war that Ambassador Mallas witnessed while in duty in Cairo.

During his tenure in Cairo, Ambassador Mallas witnessed Egypt’s second major conflict under his watch—the 1973 October War. President Gamal Abdel Nasser had died of a heart attack on 28 September 1970, after leading Egypt for 18 years. His vice president, Anwar al-Sadat, subsequently assumed the presidency.

Sadat inherited a nation still reeling from the catastrophic Arab defeat of 1967, during which Egypt and its allies suffered severe losses in manpower and military assets. Determined to restore national pride, Sadat orchestrated a comprehensive military reform-purging pro-Nasser and pro-Soviet elements and broke from the USSR in favour of seeking support from the United States.

This preparation culminated on 6 October 1973, when Egypt launched a surprise attack across the Suez Canal into Sinai during the Jewish holy day of Yom Kippur (and on Ramadan), catching Israel off-guard. Initially, Egypt achieved significant gains—destroying Israeli tanks, breaching the Bar-Lev Line, and re-establishing a foothold on Egyptian soil. Although Israel eventually counterattacked, the war ended in a stalemate that paved the way for disengagement agreements in 1974 and ultimately peace negotiations.

For President Sadat, this wasn’t merely a military campaign—it was a calculated national strategy to reclaim Egypt’s honour and leverage diplomatic momentum. The outcome restored military pride and set the stage for Egypt’s eventual signing of the Camp David Accords and the 1979 peace treaty with Israel. This milestone marked the first peace treaty between Israel and an Arab nation. 

1) Egypt officially recognizing Israel.

2) Israel returning the Sinai Peninsula back to Egypt.

Ethiopia provided discreet support to Israel during both the 1967 Six-Day War and the 1973 October War. Despite this unofficial backing, Ambassador Mallas ultimately persuaded Emperor Haile Selassie to extend a formal gesture of African solidarity: the Emperor instructed his son The Prince and duke of Harar Prince Paul Asfa Wossen Seged, to draft a letter of felicitations to President Sadat, affirming Egypt’s status as a fellow African nation to Ethiopia.

Ambassador Mallas Andom also noted that, in the early post-Nasser era, the new leadership in Cairo under President Sadat had begun to shift its priorities regarding Ethiopia—particularly with respect to the Blue Nile initiative, which was no longer considered a strategic focus. Likewise, the issue that had been of great importance to Emperor Haile Selassie—the Eritrean resistance and the activities of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF)—received noticeably less attention from the Sadat administration.

The Challenging ELF Phenomenon: 

During President Anwar al-Sadat’s era, Egypt maintained a cautious but continued support for the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF)—a trend rooted in the earlier Nasser period.

Foundational Support under Nasser (1960–62):

• Egyptian authorities funded and hosted ELF camps in Alexandria beginning in 1960, providing military training to Eritrean recruits—particularly future leaders like Idris Muhammad Adam. Cairo also supplied radio airtime on Radio Cairo to broadcast anti-Ethiopian propaganda encouraging Eritrean nationalist sentiment.
• In July 1960, the ELF was officially founded in Cairo by Eritrean exiles, primarily students and intellectuals influenced by Pan-Arab ideas.
• Though Egypt under Sadat shifted its strategic alliances—pivoting towards the U.S. and pursuing peace with Israel—support for the ELF lingered into the early 1970s. Egypt continued enabling ELF operations through logistical cooperation with Sudan and outreach to Arab League nations that backed the cause
• In 1975, Sadat personally appealed to the Ethiopian government on behalf of a ceasefire between Eritrean rebels and Ethiopia.
• Egypt’s position on Eritrea was interwoven with wider geopolitical aims. In Sadat’s worldview, supporting Eritrean independence served as both a counterbalance to Ethiopian influence over the Nile and a means to bolster alliances with fellow Muslim or Arab states in the region??? 
• Just at this moment it was very important to know that: Eritrea will never be an Arab state or a fellow Muslim state.
• During end of Nassers era and beginning of Sadats era Mallas was titled: The Head/Dean of the Diplomatic Corps in Egypt, I think around 1969-1974.

About the long struggle to the Independent State of Eritrea:

The ELM (The Eritrean Liberation Movement):

  Founded in 1958 by Eritrean exiles in Port Sudan, including Mohammed Saeed Nawed and others.

 Operated primarily as a clandestine political organization among students, civil servants, and laborers. Its focus was on raising national consciousness and organizing nonviolent resistance against Ethiopian annexation.

  It did not engage in armed struggle. Authorities cracked down on it in the early 1960s, and by around 1965, it had been largely dismantled.

The ELF (Eritrean liberation front):

• Formed in 1960 by ELM alumni and other exiles in Cairo, led by Idris Mohammed Adem.
• It shifted to armed struggle in 1961 under the leadership of Hamid Idris Awate, marking the beginning of the Eritrean War of Independence.
• Originally influenced by pan-Arab ideology and largely rooted in Muslim communities, the ELF soon expanded to include Christians and broadened its nationalist reach.

Both the ELM and the ELF where Islamic oriented and with the initial intention to Establishing an Independent Arab Islamic State of Eritrea

 The Split: ELF to the emerging EPLF (Eritrean people liberation front):

  In the early 1970s, internal disagreements within the ELF over ideology and strategy led to a split. A faction formed the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) in 1971–72 with a Marxist and leftist orientation led by Isaias Afwerki and others. 1974 was the period which Ambassador Mallas of Ethiopia has resigned from his duty as Ambassador of Ethiopia

  By the late 1970s, the EPLF had grown stronger. Civil conflict between ELF and EPLF ended in 1981, when the ELF was effectively defeated and many of its members either fled or joined the EPLF.

  Ultimately, the EPLF led Eritrea to de facto independence in 1991, and after a UN-supervised referendum in 1993, transformed into the ruling political party (PFDJ) in 1994.

Prior to the struggle to freedom is a short history of Eritrea:

In 1882, Italy began asserting control in Eritrea, and by 1 January 1890, it was formally declared the Italian Colony of Eritrea. In June 1936, Italy unified its colony of Eritrea with Ethiopia and Italian Somaliland into Italian East Africa, under the rule of Benito Mussolini. That year also marked Italy’s annexation of Ethiopia after the Second Italo-Ethiopian War. During World War II, Allied forces defeated Italian occupation in 1941. Eritrea came under British military administration from 19 May 1941 until 15 September 1952, initially under UN oversight from 1951 onward. On 2 December 1950, the United Nations passed Resolution 390(A), mandating that Eritrea form a federation with Ethiopia as an autonomous region under the sovereignty of the Ethiopian crown. The federal union became effective on 15 September. Although Eritrea retained its own constitution, parliament, flag, taxation, and local police, much of its sovereignty—especially in foreign affairs, defense and finance—remained under Ethiopian control.  In 1962, Emperor Haile Selassie formally dissolved the federation and annexed Eritrea as a province of Ethiopia, granting it coastal access to the Red Sea. This behavior was disapproved by Ambassador Andom, who viewed it through the lens of his Eritrean heritage. This also triggered the prolonged (30 years) Eritrean War of Independence, with the ELF—and later the EPLF—leading the struggle for sovereignty.

 From the year 1962 Eritrea started its struggle for independence and this continuous as known for 30 long years. In April–May 1991, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) captured Asmara, effectively ending the thirty-year armed struggle and establishing a de facto Eritrean administration. This military victory culminated in de facto independence on 24 May 1991. Following a United Nations–supervised referendum held 23–25 April 1993, in which 99.8% of voters supported independence, Eritrea formally declared its sovereignty on 27 April 1993, and was admitted to the United Nations on 28 May 1993 

The EPLF was led by Isaias Afwerki, who served as the head of the Provisional Government from 27 April 1991 to 24 May 1993 and was subsequently elected President of Eritrea on 24 May 1993. 

In the months following liberation of Asmara, the EPLF provided critical assistance to allied groups in Ethiopia, notably the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). Together, these forces entered Addis Ababa in late May 1991, overthrowing the Mengistu Haile Mariam regime, the chairman of the Derg and Ethiopia’s then President.

To this date August 2020 and for some 32 years, President Isaias Afwerki still remains in power in Eritrea. No national elections have been held, the 1997 constitution has never been implemented, and he continues to lead Eritrea as a centralized, one-party state under the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), the successor of the EPLF.

Ambassador Mallas has been stationed at the Imperial Ethiopian Embassy in Cairo for over a decade. President Nasser and many of the diplomatic missions in Cairo were invited to participate in a lighthearted contest to select, from among all ambassadors regardless of nationality, one colleague to serve as Dean of the Diplomatic Corps in Egypt. The title carried little practical responsibility, aside from solving some practical arrangement.…